|
-
Coercion is the key to admitting addicts
into treatment quickly and for a period of time that is long
enough to make a difference. This is proposition is unequivocally
supported by the empirical data on drug treatment programs.
-
Data consistently show that treatment, when
completed, is effective. Indeed, even during brief exposures to
treatment, almost all addicts will use fewer drugs and commit less
crime than without having been exposed to treatment. This means
that even the slightest exposure to treatment produces beneficial
results.
-
However, most addicts, given a choice, will
not enter a treatment program voluntarily. Those addicts who do
enter programs rarely complete them. About half drop out in the
first three months, and 80 to 90 percent have left by the end of
the first year. Among such dropouts, relapse within a year is the
norm.
-
Accordingly, if treatment is to fulfill its
considerable promise as a key component of drug control policy,
addicts not only must enter treatment but must remain in treatment
and complete the program. If they are to do so, most will need
incentives that may be characterized as “coercive.”
-
In the context of treatment, the term
coercion - used more or less interchangeably with “compulsory
treatment,” “mandated treatment,” “involuntary treatment,” “legal
pressure into treatment”- refers to an array of strategies that
shape behavior by responding to specific actions with external
pressure and predictable consequences.
-
Coercive drug treatment strategies are
common. In many programs in both the criminal justice system and
in the workplace, for example, individuals with drug problems can
be identified and appropriate leverage (e.g., the risk of
jail or the threat of job loss) can be exerted over them,
providing powerful incentives to start and stay in treatment.
-
Moreover, evidence shows that addicts who
get treatment through court orders or employer mandates benefit as
much as, and sometimes more than, their counterparts who enter
treatment voluntarily.
National Outcome Studies on Coercion
-
Four national studies beginning in 1968 and
ending in 1995, assessed approximately 70,000 patients, 40 to 50
percent of whom were court ordered or otherwise mandated into
residential and outpatient treatment programs. Two major findings
emerged.
-
The first was that the length of time a
patient spent in treatment was a reliable predictor of his or her
post-treatment performance. Beyond a 90-day threshold, treatment
outcomes improved in direct relation to the length of time spent
in treatment, with one year generally found to be the minimum
effective duration of treatment.
-
The second major finding was that coerced
patients tended to stay in treatment longer than their
“non-coerced” counterparts.
-
In short, the longer a patient stays in drug
treatment, the better the outcome.
-
Since coerced patients stay longer than
those who volunteer for treatment, coerced patients do much better
after treatment, as they have had time to benefit from the
services they received. A 1990 report from the Institute of
Medicine summarized that “contrary to earlier fears among
clinicians, criminal justice pressure does not seem to vitiate
treatment effectiveness, and it probably improves retention.”
Specific Drug Court Outcome Studies
-
A Portland, Oregon, evaluation
conducted in 1998 by the State Justice Institute made careful
efforts to match drug court participants with other arrestees
having similar demographic characteristics and criminal histories
who had either refused drug court or were ineligible for
administrative reasons.
-
Two years after adjudication, drug court
program participants had 61 percent fewer arrests than offenders
who were eligible but did not participate, and drug court
graduates performed better than their drug court counterparts,
with 76 percent fewer arrests. The longer the retention, the
better the outcomes. Those who stayed for less than one-third of
the program duration had three times as many arrests as those who
had graduated and twice as many as those who had completed at
least one-third of the regimen.
-
A Maricopa, Arizona, drug court was
the subject of a 1996 evaluation by the RAND Corporation, which
found that among a random sample of those assigned to the drug
court, rates of rearrest for any crime were significantly lower
than for those randomly assigned to probation alone.
-
An independent evaluation found the Dade
County, Florida, drug court superior to “disposition as
usual.” Between June 1989 and March 1993, the Dade County program
enrolled 4,500 defendants, 20 percent of all arrestees in the
county who were charged with drug related offenses. During the
same time period, 60 percent of the enrollees graduated or
remained in the program. A year after graduation, only 11 percent
were rearrested in Dade County on any criminal charge.
-
By contrast, the rearrest rate was some 60
percent for a matched sample of drug offenders in 1987, two years
before the institution of the drug court. Furthermore, the time
that elapsed between graduation and first reoffense was two to
three times longer in the drug court group than in the non-drug
court group.
·
A Polk County, Iowa evaluation used two
comparison samples: one consisted of offenders who were referred to
the drug court but never enrolled (rejects or refusals) and the
second comparison sample was comprised of offenders deemed eligible
for the drug court during a pilot phase to assess drug court program
needs prior to implementation. The follow-up period varied but
averaged 416 days.
·
Using reconviction as the recidivism measure, 37% of
drug court participants were reconvicted after leaving the drug
court, compared to 75% of the pilot group sample. Felony
reconviction prevalence was 6% for the drug court and 25% for the
pilot comparison.
·
In Salt Lake County, Utah, drug court
participants were compared to a group of offenders who were screened
for the drug court but did not enroll. In the 12 months following
drug court completion, participants had an average of 3.2 new
bookings and 29.2 new jail days compared to 6.6 new bookings and 54
new jail days for the comparison sample.
·
The National Institute of Justice funded the
evaluations of the Escambia County, Florida and Jackson
County, Missouri drug courts and tracked rearrests for a
two-year period following drug court participation. The comparison
samples were matched groups of offenders adjudicated before the drug
courts were implemented. Looking at felony rearrests only,
participation in the Escambia County drug court decreased felony
recidivism from an expected 40% to 12% within two years of leaving
the drug court. In the Jackson County drug court recidivism for
felonies was reduced from 50% to 35%, and for any type of rearrest
from 65% to 45%.
|